Insight Down South

Star, Malaysia
February 19, 2006
Insight Down South By Seah Chiang Nee


THE approaching general election appears to have sparked off a revival of sorts for the embattled opposition Workers Party, whose history is almost as old as the ruling People’s Action Party.

By comparison, it is still miles behind the latter in quantity and quality and, of course, financial resources.

But since he took over as secretary-general in 2001, Low Thia Khiang, a quiet 49-year-old grassroots politician, has succeeded in attracting a small group of able professionals into its ranks.

Many of these will be fielded in the coming election, which could take place in the next few months.

His less flamboyant style contrasts sharply with that of the party’s former leader, J.B. Jeyaratnam, a fiery lawyer who was declared a bankrupt after defaming PAP leaders.

But the Chinese-educated graduate has breathed some new life into Singapore’s oldest political party. A measure of the success lies in the proposed fielding of 26 candidates for the coming 84-seat parliamentary election – compared to only two in 2001.

Low was one of them, winning in Hougang constituency where he remains a popular figure.

Just as important is the better quality of its new recruits, something that Jeyaratnam, with his dominant personality, had failed to bring in during his long tenure.

Low is a collective leader, non-combative but very strong in organisational capability. By comparison, Jeyaratnam – or JBJ – is individualistic, opinionated and a strong debater.

The party's resurgence is not entirely of its own making, but results partially from a change of circumstances.

The previous generation of Singaporeans was generally apolitical, content to leave things to the government to make all the decisions.

But after 40 years of rule, the PAP is encountering increasing disenchantment from people who failed to climb the social ladder. A trickle of better-educated youths, unhappy with its policies, is joining the opposition.

It also coincides with what could be the sunset years of Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew in the Cabinet.

Several parties are benefiting from it but none more than the Workers Party, which has the longest claim to history. It was formed in 1957, two years after the launch of the PAP.

Like the PAP, WP began as a poor man’s party, which made sense in early Singapore when it was a squatter colony. Everyone was poor then.

But as wealth spread and the island became a middle class society, the PAP staked its ground on this broad segment while JBJ stuck ideologically to fighting for the poorer class.

The trouble was that it was a declining population. As its political base shrank, so did the fortunes of the Workers Party. JBJ succeeded in attracting large noisy crowds but getting few votes.

Lee Kuan Yew had long realised this. He often said that as long as the PAP occupied the broad middle-class ground, it would not be possible for an opposition to oust it.

Despite its name, Workers Party never made inroads among Singapore’s labour unions, which instead joined the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC), affiliated to the PAP.

The 2001 election was the party’s lowest point. It could only muster two candidates, who won 39.3% of the contested votes.

The coming picture will be a different one. It now works to win over unhappy professionals and businessmen affected by PAP policies, or what one member calls Singapore’s ‘new poor’ middle class.

It will probably lead the opposition’s biggest contingent of candidates – a total of 26 – in three single and four group constituencies.

Large numbers, of course, do not necessarily mean more victories. The opposition faces an uphill battle against a powerful incumbent with a good track record and a large array of weapons at its disposal.

Few pundits expect WP and other opposition candidates to create any major upset, although it will almost certainly reduce the PAP’s hold on popular votes.

This election will, however, serve as a test for the WP. A good showing – if it could increase its single seat and harness at least 30% to 35% of the contested votes – could be a big stepping stone to build into a credible challenge to the PAP.

Another opposition party, the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA) led by MP Chiam See Tong, has said it will field 20 candidates (compared to 13 in 2001).

If these two parties’ plans work out, their total of 46 candidates will be enough to prevent the PAP from becoming an outright winner on Nomination Day.

The others have not announced their plans, but if they maintain their previous performance, the ruling party could face a fight in as many as 60 of the 84 Parliament seats.

In 2001, only 29 seats – or one-third – were contested, the rest being walkovers.

The conventional wisdom is that the PAP, which was once likened to a national movement rather than a political party, continues to hold almost all the strong cards.

Apart from the status as incumbent, it also draws strength from official policies that handicap the opposition.

Because of this, the opposition’s achievements in past elections had almost always depended on voter sentiment towards the government rather than on the popularity of opposition politicians or parties.

If the people were happy with the PAP, the opposition vote would fall; if they were unhappy, it would rise. The situation exists today.

That so many candidates are signing up to challenge the giant shows their confidence that the ground is a lot sweeter for the opposition.